Already in March 1992, the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) had established military checkpoints in Doboj—an early step in designating the town a “Serb municipality,” a label it officially received on 26 March. As such, Doboj became uninhabitable for its non-Serb population. Bosniaks and Croats were quickly dismissed from public sector jobs, and their everyday lives became increasingly restricted. On 3 May, they were ordered to surrender all weapons. That same day, a curfew was announced on the radio—allegedly for all residents, though it was enforced almost exclusively against Bosniaks and Croats. Police patrolled the streets daily to ensure compliance, but it was clear that the rules applied selectively.
Following the takeover of Doboj by Serb forces—and amid reports of atrocities and mass killings in the Podrinje region—thousands of Bosniaks and Croats fled Doboj for Tešanj, where a crisis headquarters was established with the aim of preventing a full occupation of the municipality. According to current court rulings, approximately one thousand Bosniaks and Croats were held in camps set up in the Doboj area during the war.
Foto: Polaganje cvijeća u Grapskoj / afirmativa.ba
Among the most serious crimes committed in Doboj was the massacre in Grapska, a village near the town that fell under Serb control on 10 May 1992.
“Doboj was occupied on 3 May, and Grapska was under blockade from the 3rd to the 10th, when the first artillery attack began, lasting two to three hours. That same day, infantry forces launched an assault on Grapska from all directions. Thirty-four people were killed in the attacks on 10 and 11 May. On 11 May, they began what they called the ‘cleansing of Grapska.’ After the village fell, a selection process followed: civilians were released to territory under Bosnian control, while the others were taken first to the Kostajnica Elementary School, where they spent the night. The following day, this group of around 400 people was divided—some sent to the central prison in Doboj, others to the military hangars in Bare, near Doboj,” explained Aljo Hasančević, a representative of the Grapska camp survivors’ association.
Foto: Aljo Hasančević – Prva presuda za genocid / afirmativa.ba
Few are aware that the first war crimes verdict involving elements of genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina was not issued by a domestic or international tribunal, but by a German court. In 1997, the Higher Regional Court in Düsseldorf convicted Nikola Jorgić of genocide for crimes committed in the Doboj area, including in Grapska. His appeal was dismissed, as was his later application to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, which upheld Germany’s jurisdiction under the principle of universal jurisdiction—a mechanism that ultimately left Jorgić with no legal recourse.
Jorgić was convicted on 11 counts of genocide for the killing of 22 unarmed civilians, as well as for crimes committed in the village of Ševarlije. He was sentenced to four concurrent life terms in prison. The ruling was a legal precedent in the international prosecution of war crimes related to the Bosnian war.
Foto: Nikola Jorgić / Screenshot Youtube
One must always remember how many people are required to plan, coordinate, and carry out a war crime. Orchestrating such acts demands far more participants than those who have so far been prosecuted. Doboj is no exception—its situation mirrors that of many other towns where atrocities were committed. As of 2024, criminal justice for war crimes is in decline, with fewer indictments and convictions than in previous years. That downward trend is likely to continue. Many individuals with command or direct responsibility for these crimes are aging, and it remains uncertain whether they will ever stand before a court.
Transitional justice must pick up where the courts have stalled. It must continue to investigate, document, write, and build a culture of remembrance so that the truth is not lost. That is not a task for the next generation—it is a task for this one. Because this generation is already here.
This article was produced in collaboration with Pro Peace BiH.
